By Manolo Giménez
With the rejection of Resolution 125 in the Senate were defeated democracy or institutions. Much less, the project of national and social liberation, according to his followers, would be carried out by the government of Cristina Fernández.
Nor was the failure of a redistribution plan. As this measure was not intended to tax or wealth or income, as had been the case of extractive activities (mining and oil, for example) that are essentially renters-but to production.
Conflict with rural institutions was the result of expanding beyond its material limits tax policy and fiscal conservative, which is held for decades for popular consumption and production of the provinces. Lock Out
without Goliath
The protest was fueled by the producers. Especially the smaller scale, with most them without any union affiliation. Neither
exporters oligopolies, or food processing companies or those that produce fertilizers (most of them foreign), or the broker-dealers of seed pools, participated in the protest. Precisely because that fiscal policy and the customs procedure complementarity in their favor. Especially
exporters. It never hurts to repeat it: in Argentina today are the exporters who paid the taxes or withholdings to producers on behalf of the State.
And while these same companies get a delicious difference between the actual price (FOB) and price (FAS) on which pay their own tax obligations, what constitutes a "legal" defrauding the state, there is no minimum customs controls at ports and much of private business is "black."
As expressed Jorge Rulli : "There are no agricultural policies, but there are state policies to promote export, subsidizing the production of oil and biofuels and maintain the waterway to serve the policies of corporations like Cargill" . Pinney 1
Authentic defeated in the Senate were, in fact, these corporations that dominate our foreign market, since they tried a massive fraud against the Argentine people more than U $ S 1,500,000.
timely
As made explicit in this blog, thanks to the perverse system of early declarations (DJVE) provided in the Customs Code, oligopolies tried exporting frozen at 27.5 percent (24 percent for them, by that difference FOB / FAS) the rate of withholding to be paid. That is, formalizing DJVE almost the entire 2007/2008 campaign before November 11, 2007.
international Increasing forced to roll back the price domestic price at that time. It tried to impose sliding tax system.
From this perspective one can understand why Resolution 125 did not have technical support to agricultural production, political and among the peoples of the deep interior. It was a new collaboration of the Argentine state with these companies (which are not interested in the country). Pinney 2
this item also lost state propaganda, which tried to disguise the move in Congress and the media.
Let us be clear. The project came out of Deputies was not intended to prevent soybean production, since the compensation was intended primarily soybean producers, "or balance the loads between producers large, medium and small.
Nor was intended only to afford to buy grain at prices carried back to October 2007. "This scheme applies to the sale of grain operations of the campaign 2007 / 2008" , stated in Article 13 of the rejected project.
obviously was not any strategic line or even the medium term. The
of compensation was also a bluff. As the deputy Claudio Lozano, was never given the low resolution 21/2008 of the Executive, stating that while the producer will charge retention FOB price, then to compensate they will at a lower price (FAS).
Thus, small and medium producers instead of paying withholding effective between 30 and 35 percent, as I said the text adopted, "would have paid between 38 and 41 percent.
The discursive deception
public events in the PJ came to identify with rural leaders parastatals, 1976 terrorist or civil commands 1955. There was even a senator ruling that, at the height of delirium, he compared to the leaders of the Frente para la Victoria who suffered a escrache with the Jewish victims of Nazism.
is that the propaganda strategy of the ruling sought to decorate the resolution 125, for progressive, nationalist and even revolutionary.
It's hard to accept, because there is no evidence that has attempted to implement something in this or in previous presidential administration.
contrast. With regard to agricultural production during the last two governments have strengthened the monoculture model and the resulting transgenic Argentina's international integration and forage producers. Such "expertise" to meet the needs of European Community and the big buyers such as China and India, primarily in regard to feed, oils and biofuels.
Also in the same period has continued to concentrate wealth. One could even say that the very conception and construction practice of power wielded, particularly, Nestor Kirchner, requires economic concentration: a few partners, allowing bargain directly, benefit systems as a means of political control and a small private group to share the "Argentinized."
Ghosts of
respect of the oligarchy, the so often referred from the official propaganda mills as a rhetorical device to discredit the rural protest, I must say that, historically, does not exist in traditional characterization.
Even the reactionary Rural Society has this identity. It is clear that represents producers of larger format, but these producers are quite different from the powerful landowners who, until forty or fifty years, comprised the "oligarchy vaccine."
We refer to those devoted mostly to ranchers and livestock owners of huge tracts leased in minute proportions, which were Reinsurance on food supply and price control of the British Empire.
Currently, the few heirs to remain in the area, produced directly and dependence as the rest-of purchases of oligopolies and government policies.
His lavish family holidays have become tourist enterprises and are no longer interested in promoting children illustrated, as Victoria Ocampo and Jorge Luis Borges-seeking arguments in universal values \u200b\u200bto redeem his lineage illiterate operators.
transnationalized field
is that the current agribusiness model has a very different logic agriculture and agro-industrial model that prevailed until the mid-'70s. People talk not only about traditional industry or families that have been replaced by transnational corporations, but that this change has generated, also a financial and economic matrix fully differentiated.
dismantled in 1976 INTA's seed bank and transferred that knowledge to corporations that began to land in Argentina. It opened on biodiversity gene bank and began to share with the multinationals. Standard
Giarraca , coordinator of the Rural Studies Group Gino Germani Institute (UBA) noted that "foreign input suppliers, then began to bring the hybrid seed that the farmer can not play and at the same time is higher yields. Agriculturación began a process with five grains using hybrid seed and chemicals, which rose much production: sunflower, sorghum, wheat, corn and soybeans. These cultures were expanded gradually inland. There was an increase in productivity with the opening of the exchange rate and began the transnationalization of agriculture. " This transnationalization
was consolidated when, in the late '80s, food companies began to pass into foreign hands and in 1991 orchestrated the deregulation of grain, meat and sugar.
Later came the foreign hypermarkets (true empires as Carrefour or Wal Mart), which were established for control of prices in the domestic market in the core areas of power in the agricultural industrial chain. That is, get to decide what to produce, how to produce, when to produce and what price to the "table of the Argentine people."
Sociology of tin and Teflon pans
In other words, qualifying farmers and landholders as the "principal enemy" is to understand very little about the ties of dependency today supporting Argentina. Arturo
Jauretche , Infogrames victim of so many power points in recent days, once said: "It is easy to see that the problem prior to the distribution of wealth is that we own them, so that the first does not have to fight among ourselves but with whom they are taken ... "
By the way: not the jumbo elegant cities, which demonized the jinglero Ignacio Copani and sociologists firing banal make any form of oligarchy. Even the most reactionary and tiling.
So we can say that none of them reaches add half of the estate or some "comrades of national and popular field" as Hugo Moyano, Miguel Angel Pichetto or own Nestor Kirchner.
Anyway, it was foreseeable the futility of such manicheisms between "poor and the rich" to address issues of this kind, verbal trifles, more typical of the medieval monastic orders or the rhetoric of punk vernacular to D'Elia a proper conceptual framework for the elucidation of Argentina's problems.
Who voted against the project officer?
With only vote the opposite of political opposition (including the dissident Peronist Duhalde, Menem and Rodriguez Saa), the project had been approved, like almost everything, until then, had sent the Executive.
But to the surprise of professional political porteños appeared provinces. Since the resolution 125 does not affect only one sector, but the entire interior. As the increase in export tax rate to a decline in income of producers and, consequently, a decrease in revenue for the Profit Tax.
Many leaders, governors, mayors, legislators and even the vice president Nation, who came to accompany the National Government were forced to confront. They were not slow to qualify as "traitors."
The Homeland is mine, mine, mine happens that
Nestor Kirchner is convinced that it was solely the work of his administration that Argentina's economy recover from the 2001 crisis. Consequently, nothing is forbidden and may have when you want and how you want the profits of an "economic miracle" that belongs only to him. A kind of revitalized syndrome "Testa Rossa".
This emotional trap and Kirchner their sycophants is imperative to rescue the government headed by Cristina Fernández .
This will be essential, among other things, designing a true nationalist agrarian policy and modernization, which contains the provincial economies as well as producers and landholders, while formalizing the reinvestment of income for productive purposes and industrialists and respecting the preservation of natural resources. With public agencies to guide the production and support prices, to formulate a new concept of leases and land ownership, to put limits on transnational oligopoly nationalizing foreign trade. There
an excellent opportunity. Would not waste it.
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